



ADDRESS 




rr^ 



RE -INAUGURATION 



OF THE 








YIRGlNIi MILITARY INSTITUTE, 



SEPTEMBER 10, 1866. 



BY 



/ 



HON. JOHN LETCHER, 



fe^ (Published by Order of the Board of Visitors.) 




Sn^i 'Aj i5esOTs;^g5gi»toi.«t^:-A ^o-s 




Whig print, Kichmond, Va. 



.6' 



'¥ 



ADDRESS 



RE-INAUGURATION 



OF THE 






VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE, 



.-::r?nT^-^ SEPTEMBER 10, 1866. 



BY 



HON. JOHN LETCHER, 



(Published by Order of the Board of Visitors.) 



ADDRESS. 



Professors and Cadets of the Virginia Military Institute and Fellow Citizens : 

"We have assembled here to-day for the performance of a duty of more than 
ordinary interest in the history of the Virginia Military Institute. We have 
met to restore to its original position, Hubard's beautiful bronze statue of the 
Father of his Country — the immortal — the unparalleled George Washington. 
It has been deemed fitting and proper, that the restoration of the statue should 
be accompanied by such ceremonies as are appropriate to an occasion so inter- 
esting, such as will show our appreciation of the exalted character — the une- 
qualled services, military and civil — of this noble son of Virginia, whose highest 
eulogy is best expressed in tlie striking language of Gen. Harry Lee — ^^'' First in 
war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." 

This Statue was originally placed here in pursuance of a Joint Resolution 
passed by the Legislature of Virginia, the 8th day of March, 1856 ; and which 
is in the following words : 

Hesolved by the General Assembly, That the Governor he authorized to contract with William 
J. Hubard for a cast of Houdon's Statue of Washington, properly executed in bronze, and a 
faithful copy of the original, to be placed at the Virginia Military Institute at Lexington ; and 
that the Governor be auttiorized to draw upon the Auditor of Public Accounts for a warrant upon 
the Treasurer for a sum not exceeding ten thousand dollars, to defray the expenses attending the 
performance of the contract, when it shall have been in his opinion, faithfully performed. 

Accordingly, on the 3d day of July, 1856, the work having been executed, the 
"copy of the original being faithful," and to the satisfaction of Governor Wise^ 
he, as the Chief Magistrate of the Commonwealth of Virginia, appeared here to 
perform the agreeable duty of placing it on its pedestal. His address delivered on 
the occasion^ presents an accurate history of the legislation which resulted in the 
execution of the great work of Houdon, and its location in the Capitol of the 
State, where it has remained and still remains, admired by all as a splendid work 
of art, and a faitliful representation of the form, features and person of him, 
whom it was designed to commemorate. That historical narrative is replete with 
interest to everj^ son of Virginia, and cannot fail to inspire admiration in the breast 
of every American Citizen, no matter- in what section of this great country he 
may be located. It presents the facts in regard to the legislation of Virginia, 
the parties designated to select the sculptor — the pains taken in preparing for 
the execution of such a work as was required — and the brilliant success which 
characterized and crowned his labors. It presents also the facts connected with 
the execution of the work before us. All these facts are grouped with power 
and ability — in language chaste, elegant, expressive, eloquent and appropriate, 
admirably suited to the subject and the occasion. I adopt it therefore, with the 
single additional remark, that it is worthy, eminently worthy, of a statesman 
who has filled the exaPed position of Chief Magistrate of Virginia: 



Virginia was not unmindful of tlio grateful duty of transmitting to posterity the pernonal 
imago of the greatest and best of her sons. Her Legislature I'osolvod as early as 1784, that her 
Executive should be charged with the trust of procuring " a statue of Wasliington, of the finest 
marble and best worlimanship, witli an inscription f>n its pedestal in tliese words : 

"The General Assembly of tho Commonwoaltli of Virginia have caused this statue to he 
erected as a monument of affection and gratitude to George Washington, who, uniting to tlio en- 
dowments of the hero the virtues of the patriot, and exerting both in establisliing the liberties of 
his country, has rendered his name dear to his fellow-citizens, and given the world an immortal 
example of true glory." . , 

This inscription, which we are told was written by James Madison, is as simple in its lan- 
guage as it is sublime in its sentiment. It was to be a monument of " affection and gratitude," 
erected — not to the man — but to the ^' endowments of the hero;" and not to tho quali-ties iilono-^ 
but to their "exertion" also — th>i labors, tho action " in establisliijig the lil)crtios of his coun- 
try " and rendering his nanie-^not immortal, not fauious even, but — " dear to his fMoio-citi:;ens ." 
That which it speaks of as " immortal " is not tho m;i,n nor his name, hut " the example of true 
glory" which he had given tho world — that, that alone true piety and good taste could dare to 
call "immortal! " 

The Governor, Ben. Harrison, selected the two fittest agents, Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin 
Franklin, then in Paris, to employ the best artist in Europe, and to ornament the mopument with 
proper and fit devices and emblems. The eminent statuary, M. Houdon, was sent to tho United 
States "to see Gen. Washington." Nothing short of ocular inspection would suffice; no 
painting by Peale would do ; the statdary alone, not the limner, could make the proper and fit 
devices and emblems to ornament the work of his own chisel. With the Artist as well as the 
State the undertaking was not so much one of contract as it was " a labor of love." The master 
of fine arts was a lover of liberty and venerated him who was the greatest champion of the rights 
of man and the freedom of States. He retired from a Royal Court ; declined imperial patronage and 
princely orders ; denied himself the profits of the moU extensive European orders for ''every- 
thing which was capital ;'' left a family poor and dependent ; incurred a certainty of loss ; and 
made a pilgrimage, purely of inspiration, to America, to perpetuate tile mouldering form of him 
•who alone among men had won the fair title to be called a country's father. His life vi'as in- 
sured, and in the event of his death before his return to Paris, 10,003 livres were secured to be 
paid to his fatlier, mother and sisters. He was about 35 or 40 years of age ; but he was an invalid, 
and this sum to his family was a sine qaa, non, for they had no resource but in his labor ; and, 
though without rivalship in his art, his chief excellence was thai he was " disinterested, gener- 
ous, candid and panting for glory— ho was one ol^ tho best m'.n in the world." These were the 
winning characteristics which made him "in every circumstance meriting the good opiruou of 
Washington" in tho testimony of Mr. Jefferson. 

About August or September, 17S5, he arrived at Philadelphia, in company with Dr. Franklin. 
His materials not having reached Havre when the ship sailed, he was compelled to remain for a 
time to supply himself in Philadelphia, and thus did not reach Mount Vernon until after Septem- 
ber. Washington saluted him immediately on his arrival. He said he was informed of tlie oc- 
casion of liis visit, and, though his modesty disclaimed seeking the cause of it, he frankly 
expressed that he felt " tho mos{ agreeable and grateful sensations;" he complimented him by 
wishing "his mission had been more worthy of tiie masterly genius of tho first statuary in Eu- 
rope ; welcomed him to the seat of his retirement, and promised him every aid in his power." 
He was at Mount Vernon, probably in tire month of October or November, 17S.i, and returned to 
Paris before the 4th of January, 178(3. There ani then, he moVeled the model man bij actual 
admeasurement .' He applied tlie callipers to and made a cast of the entire person. Washington, 
it is said, was annoyed by the particularity of the copy, but Houdon faithfully persisted; and the 
hero and the sage, the man of supreme dignity, of spotless purity and the most veiled modesty, 
laid his sacred person bare and prone before the eyes of art and affection. An actual, exact copy 
of the material man, Washington, was made by tho master modeler, M. Houdon. Thus, the 
work was original and authentic in the highest and truest sense. 

This, though, was but mechanical and mathematical. This was but art collecting its materials, 
drawing its outlines, framing its skeleton, measuring length of limb, clothing bone with muscle 
and muscle with skin, so that 

" From lines drawn true our eye may trace 
A foot, a knee, a hand, a face." 

But more was wanting ; for, as in painting, the picture may want the coloring, tlie Titian 
Stroke, the Guido air, the jc na scass i/uoi of beauty ; so in statuary, the form may be there, hut 



it may not be a ■breathing form, it may not act, it may not speak, it may not glow with warmth. 
Deity had breatlied into the man the breath of life and given to him the " countenance sublime," 
and the genius of the divine art had to give tp the morale the countenance of the man. He, 
Houdon, did it, and there in the Capitol of Virginia stands Washington ! In Houdon's marble 
we have the form and feature, the limb and lineament, the configuration and proportion, the 
stature and posture, and we "have, enlivening all, illumining all, the mien and manner and 
majesty of the man — the breath as well as the body, the grandeur of the moral greatness of the 
very soul of the living Washington ! The very original person, so exactly moulded ; the very 
spirit and intellect and moral man, so caught warm from flesh and blood and so transfused to 
marble as to malce it glow with life and likeness, were talien ; the cast of the body was left to 
the care of his worlcmen, to be carried to Europe, and that of the face was talien in his own care, 
he saying, as the story is, "that if that went down in the deep he would go along with it." 
The figure was in the nude state ; it needed costume and drapery and to be decorated with em- 
blems. This is inferred from the fact that Mr. Jefferson, in a letter of the 4th of January, 17S6, 
wrote to Gen. Washington to ascertain his wishes respecting the particular dress and attitude to 
be adopted. It was not until the 1st of August of the same year that the General replied. The 
letter is remarkably characteristic of the man. It is diffident — disclaims "sufficient knowledge 
in the art of sculpture to oppose his judgment to the taste of connoisseurs ; he would be perfectly 
satisfied with whatever might be judged decent and proper." These were words of peculiar im- 
port in his meaning : "He would scarcely venture to suggest the inexpediency of a servile ad- 
herence to the garb of antiquity as opposed to some little deviation in favor of the modern cos- 
tume, if he had not learned from Col. Humphreys that this was hinted in conversation by Mr. 
West, to Mr. Houdon. He understood that this taste, introduced in painting by West, was re- 
ceived with applause and prevailed extensively." This, doubtless, mainly decided the character 
of the costume, which has been so badly criticised by a false taste. Houdon had seen Washing- 
ton ; " decent andproper" were his idea of the mode. West has conversed with Houdon. Two 
genuine Americans, of pure, patriotic taste, Jefferson and Franklin, were superintendents of the 
work. These circumstances, and the fact that Houdon was a true master, determined the dress, 
the attitude and the emblems. The figure is preserved by the tight fit of the dress,' so as to dis- 
play the outlines of the body and of every limb. The State resolves were looked to, and the 
Governor, it is seen, was ordered to procure a statute of "General Washington;" and in the 
order to Mr. Peale, he was to take a copy of the picture " of the late Commander in Chief," to 
be transmitted to Mr. Jefferson. The " General," the " Commander in Gliief," was to be repre- 
sented. The costume, therefore, is that of the military man. He is in the regimentals of Gen- 
eral Washington. But he was more than military, he was citizen too — a citizen soldier General 
and Commander in Chief. He, therefore, has not the sword belted on ; but, though in military 
coat and epauletts, though booted and spurred and gloved for service, he has a citizen's cane in 
his riglit hand, and tlie unbelted sword hangs in view but not on his person. Peace was the end 
of his warfare — tlie conquest of right liis aim — the sword was irksome to him, and he laid it aside 
whenever and wherever he could rest for a moment on a stay of civil life. 

The costume is "decent and proper," and the emblems are as significant as they are simple. 
They tell their own meaning. I have not been able to find any record of their design, by Hou- 
don himself or by Mr. Jefferson or other person, and I, therefore, am left to give my own inter- 
pretation of them. Washington stands on the motlier earth, the plough-share placed on the left 
by his foot. These signify the idea of "country" — that most endearing and precious word of 
patriotism. They imply also the favorite, Cincinnatus-like occupation of the man, agricultural 
tillage, the arts of husbandry and humble industry and labor, the foundations of prosperity, of 
plenty and providence, and independence for a people ; and they point higher up to God, re- 
minding us <>f the source whence we came, and of our lot in life, and to what we must return; 
man's origin, his duties, his dependence and his end. Upright on the plough-share rests the 
baggage roll of a tent or marquee, in a bundle of fasces bound around by broad canvass straps, 
forming a pillar, denoting union and sttength^the idea of the " E pluribus unum." On that 
pillar hangs the sword at rest; over it is thrown Washington's military mantle, and over all he 
leans upon that pillar with his left arm. God! man! mother earth ! country! dependence upon 
industry, labor and union ! These are the ideas conveyed to me by these emblems. 

The attitude of the person is that of a mood of high thought, calm but elate and roused to at- 
tention, taking a far-seeing survey of distance and expanse before him. His expression is grave, 
but serene ; composed, but earnest and intense ; still, but prepared for action ; waiting, but 
ready at a moment ; he is in standing repose and cooling the brow with bare front, with no 
chapeau in sight, but with sword within reach. Wisdom and providence are in his look, and a 
consciousness of collected strength in his whole posture and presence. Firmness sits upon his 



Up and chin, fortitude on his clieek, thoufjht on his brow ; and, yet, a surpassing sweetness per- 
vades thi> whole face, whic-li makes us feel 

" IIow awful goodness is, and see 
Virtue in her shape how lovely." 

Such is tlie chaste and elegant description of the great work of Hondon. 
Nowl connect with it the trials and difhcnlties encountered by Ilubard in 
making the work before us, and which is destined to perpetuate his name to the 
latest posterity. 

The Houdon copied nature and followed truth, and will hear comparison with any single figure 
of the Italian or Greek school. Whilst it is simple in its taste of costume, drapery, and emblems, 
it is most cunningly wrought ; it is original and real, not imagioary ; it is christian, not hea- 
thenish ; it is American, not classical ; it is human, not mythological. Such is lloudon's Wash- 
ington — so well did that one among the best of men and most eminent of artists transmit the 
form of the greatest human benefactor to posterity. 

And its genius gave it attributive virtue. It has caused art in another. Houdon has trans- 
mitted Washington, and our own Virginia artist, Hubai'd, has transmitted Houdon. The bronze 
copy which we this day put upon its plinth is exact, and but little lower in the dignity of art than 
the great original in marble. Time and its mutilation had assailed tlie marble ; pieces had already 
been broken off; fire was hourly threatening to destroy the work of the master's hand, and the 
only exact and authentic form of the mighty original, when the poetry as well as piety and pa- 
triotism of our own artist sought to insure the perpetuation to posterity by a perdurable copy in 
bronze ! Like Houdon's, Hubard's was a passionate performance. He is both a painter, and 
modeler in statuary, and artist-like, is poor, with a wife to cherish and family of children to 
nurtui-e and educate, tie too, " panted' for glory," and saw the chance to snatch it in a cast from 
Houdon, as Houdon had caught it from Washington. The difficulties were almost insurmounta- 
ble. No bronze statue had been cast whole in the United States. He had no furnace like that 
for the statue of Louis XV. There were no experienced men of Munich in our country to mix 
and melt and mould the metal ; and to make the section moulds, such as Italians use, was itself 
almost an art. With these obstructions and but small means, nothing daunted, generously he 
essayed the pious undertaking. He superintended the making of the moulds in person, at co;^- 
siderable cost of labor, money and time. This was but the beginning of his expense. He had 
to build a furnace, now unfit for any other operation than that of the fine arts. This was not the 
end of the beginning of the trial, risk and outlay. He had to employ workmen who came from 
abroad, and to procure materials. The advances took nearly all his available means. But at last 
the furnace was heated ; the metals were mixed and molten ; the moulds were embedded ; the 
glowing flood was poured into them, and — the cast was a failure ! The first was broken up, and 
again the same was done, with a like result^a second failure ! This would have stopped the 
efi'orts of an ordinary man. Not so with Hubard. He had spent thousands ; had lost all. Ifis 
family was made anxious, and he was much embarrassed. 

But the word "fail" was not writtJen in his vocabulary. A friend in Richmond — I wish I had 
permission to mention the name of this benefactor of the arts, for all honor as long as the bronze 
shall last! a friend in Richmond advanced the means of a third trial. The day, the 23d Febru- 
ary, A. D. lSo6, arrived for it to be made ; the anxiety of the. artist was intense ; a few friends 
were present, to mingle their hopes and fears with his, and to witness the opening of the iron 
flood-gate of the furnace. Two failures had taught the necessary precaution ; the mould of 
Washington lay firmly waiting, embedded" solid luider the lip of the lava spout ; the vent holes 
were carefully opened for the flying gas and heated air ; the ponderous lever in slings broke away 
the furnace gate ; and the fiery current came red and rushing in and the liquid bronze poured-on 
until the mould was full and laid a boiling lake, muttering and babbling whilst it slowly cooled 
to a solid sea of brass with its jagged waves fixed. The cast was raised and lo ! — there was the 
perfect copy in bronze of the Houdon, which we see before us ! All hail thou triumph of Vir- 
ginia's art and patriotic devotion, well mayest thou come out of the third trial, a perfect model of 
the form of him 

" Whom ' Nature designed for a hero's mould. 
And e'er she cast him let not the stuff grow cold. ' " 

This statue, thus formed and fashioned by Hubard — placed here by the order 
of the General Assembly of Virginia — its erection superintended by her chief 



8 

magistrate in person — retained its position, until the memorable 13th day of 
June, 1864. The day previous, the Federal army, iinder the command of Gen. 
David Hunter (a Virginian by birth !) entered Lexington, and in less tlian twenty- 
four hours after he took possession, the beautiful and imposing buildings of the 
Virginia Military Institute were in ashes, having first been despoiled of the Phi- 
losopliical and Chemical Apparatus, and robbed of all that could be appropriated 
as trophies — Gen. Hunter being upon the spot, superintending the burning in 
person; and all this on a Holy Sabbath morning!! Under his superintendence 
this statue with its tablet was displaced from the pedestal and removed to Whee- 
ling, in West Virginia. There it remained, until the Legislature of that State 
( all honor to it, for the noble deed !! ) directed its return to its appropriate place. 

The spirit which marked the conduct of General Hunter on that occasion, 
■was in admirable harmony with that spirit which warred on the arts and literature 
of the 5th century, in the Roman Empire, and has secured for him an immor- 
tality, that will be as enduring and undying, as attaches to him who burned the 
temple of Ephesus. Sonie men court notoriety-^and are utterly indifferent to 
the character of that notoriety. Whether General Hunter is one of this class 
I know not. But certain it is, if he was in quest of notoriety, when he came 
here at the head of the army, he has abundant reason to be satisfied with the 
brilliant success which has attended his efforts. No Virginian will ever forget 
either his nativity or his name, 

"While the earth bears a plant, or the sea rolls a wave." 

On the same, never-to-be-forgotten day, Washington College, endowed by the 
immortal Father of his Country, was sacked— its apparatus demolished, its li- 
braries destroyed, its buildings defaced, and preparations were made for giving 
it also to the devouring element. "A sober, second thought," and it was spared. 
It is scource of gratification and pride to our people, that its buildings still stand, 
in all their majestic beauty, and that one connected with Washington by close 
ties, honored, loved, cherished and respected for the noblest qualities of head 
and heart, presides over and directs its operations skilfully, ably and successfully. 

What a beautiful conjunction — Washington and Lee ! Well may Virginia be 
proud of these sons, for their exalted virtues, their eminent services, and for 
the possession of all those qualities that elevate and dignify human nature. 
Young men, endeavor to follow the example they have set, and strive to emulate 
their virtues, that you too may win the love and etFection of your countrymen. 

And here let me do justice to two of the officers in that army who did not hesi- 
tate to condemn in decided language, the destruction of this property. I allude 
to Generals Averill and Crook, soldiers by education and by profession, who had 
been taught to respect arts and literature, science and learning. Their inde- 
pendence in condemning the outrage commanded the respect, and won the grat- 
itude, of our own people, and of all right-minded men throughout the State and 
the nation. Now that the war is ended and peace has been proclaimed, it is 
not a matter of surprise, that these officers should now be found in the ranks of 
the supporters of President Johnson, using their influence and employing their 
efforts to secure the restoration of the Union, and to revive the era of harmony 
and good will between the sections recently arrayed in battle against each other. 
" They prefer to act with those who are right now, even if they were once 
■wrong, rather than with those who were once right and are now wrong." — 
They prefer that the past shall be forgotten, in order that the country may have 



9 

a future. They know it can never have a glorious and successful future, while 
the past remains uiiforgottcn, 

A brief history of the origin, ])rogress and brilliant success of the Virginia 
Military Institute seems to me peculiarly ai)propriate to this occasion. This his- 
tory I find prepared by the distinguished superintendent. I adopt it, and com- 
mend it, for the important and reliable information it presents, in regard to the 
character of the institution : 

The Virginia Military Institute was established, and is supported by the St^te of Virginia. It . 
was organized in 1S39, as a State Military and Scientific School, "upon the basis of the United 
States Military Academy at West Point, and has been in successful operation for twenty-six years . 
The cadets admitted consist of two classes, State and Paj/ cadets. The Institute supplies to the State 
cadet his board and tuition ; and in consideration thereof, he is required to teach two years after 
graduation. The Pay cadet is at his own expense, which averaged before the war $37^ per year, 
for every charge, includinc/ clothing. The State cadets are selected from those wlio are unable to 
bear their own expenses. The Institution has always had as many pupils as its buildings would 
accommodate, and numbered at the close of the war, 50 State and 200 Pay cadets. Applications 
are made, by letter, to the Superintendent prior to the 1st of July, each year, and appointments 
are made for both classes of cadets by the Board of Visitors, respect bebig had to their due ap- 
portionment among the several districts of the State. 

When the vacancies in the Institute justify it, appointments are made from other Stiites. 

The State makes an annual appropriation for the support of the Virginia Military Institute of 
$15,000. This sura supplies tuition and board to the State cadets without charge, and supports — 
by the aid of the tuition fees, and the income from vested funds — the Faculty. In 1860, a dona- 
tion of $20,000 was made by Gen. Philip St. George Cocke, for the endowment of the chair of 
Agricidture, and in the same year, a donation was made of $11,800 by Dr. William Newton 
Mercer, of Louisiana, to endow the chair of Animal and Vegetable Physiology, applied to Agri- 
culture. A donation was made at the same time by Mrs. E. L. Claytor, of Virginia, of .^5000 to 
erect a Hall of Natural History. 

The Virginia Military Institute has ju.st placed itself before the public, as a General School of 
Applied Science, for the development of the agricultural, laineral, commercial, manufacturing 
and internal improvement interests of the State and Counti-y, when the army of Gen. Hunter de- 
stroyed its stately buildings, and consigned to the flames, its library of 10,000 volumes, the Phi- 
losophical apparatus used for 10 years, by " STONEWALL " JACKSON, and all its chemicals. 
The cadets were then transferred to Richmond, and the Institution was continued in vigorous op- 
eration until the evacuation of Richmond, on the 3d, of April, 1865. 

This extract furnishes full and valuable information, respecting the organ- 
ization — the mode of selecting the Cadets — the objects of the School — the means 
provided for maintaining it, and an appropriate reference to the destruction of 
its buildings, its apparatus and its Libraries. As part of the history of our times, 
it is instructive, and therefore I have deemed it advisable, to embody it in this 
Address, and as far as I can, contribute my aid, in transmitting it to posterity, 
as a useful lesson. The execration which has followed the destruction of this 
Institution, should admonisli all military loaders, to steer clear of war upon arts, 
science and literature. The destruction of institutions of learning, never has, 
and never can add any thing to the power, and influence, and respectability of 
an army. It never has produced practical results, in bringing a war to a close, 
or relieving it of its horrors. 

In September 1865, the Board of Visitors held a sessionin the City of Rich- 
mond, and with tlic cordial approval and concurrence of Governor Pierpoint, 
proceeded to the work of re-organization by supplying vacancies in the Pro- 
fessorial corps. This work was most liappily accomplished in the selections of 
General CusTis Lee and Colonel Blair, distinguished graduates of West Point, 
and Capt. Brooke, late of the Confederate Navy — all gentlemen, greatly dis- 
tinguished for their learning and ability — and admirably suited for the positions 



10 

to which they wefe assigned. Besides these, the Assistant Professors are young 
gentlemen who have graduated with high honor in the School, and who are dis- 
tinguished for ability, and have had experience as teachers, in the various 
branches of learning. The Professorial corps, as now organized, has never been 
equalled in the history of the institution, and will compare most favourably, in 
ability, in experience, in learning, in scientific and literary attainments, in de- 
votion to their profession, in all respects indeed, with the Faculty of any insti- 
tution of learning in our land — North or Soiith. 

Of the Professors, nearly all were engaged for a longer or shorter period in the 
military service, during the war through which the country has passed, and all 
acquitted themselves most creditably. Three of the Professors — Gen'l Jackson, 
Gen'l RoDES, and Col. Crutchfield ; and two of the Assistant Professors, Capt. 
Morgan and Lieut. Crittenden, were killed, during the war. Of those who 
had been in the Institute as Cadets eight hundred were in the Confederate 
service, one hundred and twenty-five of whom were killed in battle, and three 
hundred and fifty wounded. Since the organization of the institute in the year 
1839, two thousand have matriculated, of whom five hundred and twenty-seven 
were State Cadets. Five hundred and ten have graduated, and of these, one 
hundred and seventy-seven were State Cadets. Of these graduates, one hun- 
dred and forty-six have been engaged in the business of teaching. Thirty-seven 
have devoted themselves to the profession of Civil Engineering — fifty three have 
applied themselves to farming — and thirty have devoted themselves to merchan- 
dizing. 

From its organization to the present time, the Institute has always been full — 
never having had accommodations to supply the demand for admission. Since the 
destruction of the buildings, such has been the zeal, industry, and perseverance 
of its accomplished and energetic superintendent, that accommodations are now 
prepared for two hundred Cadets, and most probably that number will be in 
attendance, during the session now commencing. 

The Virginia Military Institute is therefore once more established. Like the 
Phoenix it has risen again from its ashes. Its career of usefulness, in the educa- 
tional world, has been resumed. Its power and influence, will be again felt 
throughout Virginia and the South, and notwithstanding the passions and preju- 
dices, which the war excited, it will have its Cadets from the Korth and "West 
also. Brilliant as has been its past history, its future is destined to be far more 
successful and glorious. A new era has commenced, the sphere of its influence 
hastobegreatly enlarged, and its blessings and benefits, like the dews of heaven, 
are to be generally diffused throughout the land. 

Such in brief, is the history of the Virginia Military Institute— to the time of 
its destruction — such the record it presents, of distinguished service to the State 
that organized and sustained it, nurtured and iipheld it. How glorious is that 
history! how honorable that record! Such, too, is its present position, and such 
the efforts to resuscitate it, and restore it to its original sphere of usefulness 
and distinction amongst the schools of learning in the South. It will be suc- 
cessful, and the Military Institute of the future, will far excel the Military In- 
stitute of the past. Come up then to its support. Give it your countenance and 
encouragement — give it of your material means. It has been, and it is an or- 
nament and an honor to Virginia, and it is deserving of all the support you can 
extend to it. 

One name is now missing from the Professorial roll of this Institution. The 
day when Stonewall Jackson's native State most needed his services — when all 



11 

licr people were looking to him for deliverance from the troubles in wliich they 
were then involved — wlien the hopes of the Confederacy were centred in him — 
when the prayers of a people, morning and evening, ascended to Heaven, im- 
ploring God's blessing, protection and preservation of him — when the love and 
affection of a whole people were entwined about him, — at that moment he is 
removed from amongst us. He sleeps in yonder Cemetery. His resting place 
is hallowed ground, and will be visited by countless thousands, who have been 
impressed with the genius of the man, as exhibited in the recent civil war — 
with his dauntless courage — his pure and spotless character — his christian virtues 
— his rigid simplicity — his disinterestedness and his self-sacrificing spirit and 
disposition. The dauntless heart was stricken down iu the hour of victory, at 
Chancellorsvillc : 

" 111 pi'ido, ill all the prule of woe, 
We tell of him the brave, laij low, 
Who foi' his birth-place bled." 

He is gone. This institution shall know him no more, as one of its honored 
Professors. His voice shall not be heard again, in* tlio way of admonition, and 
in imparting instruction. It is stilled and stilled forever in death. 

He has filled the measure of greatness — he has won imperishable renown, and 
his name and fame will live forever. He loved Virginia with his whole heart, 
and died for her, in what he believed to be the cause of truth and right. His 
example is left to us, for imitation — and no brighter or better example can be 
held up before the young, and rising generation. He was a man of labor, and in 
the changed condition of affiiirs, all our people now must practice industry. He 
was economical, and in the depressed condition of our affairs, financial, com- 
mercial, agricultural and mechanical, it behooves us to practice a rigid economy. 
He was systematic in business, prompt, resolute and active — essential elements 
of success. He was patient, untiring, never postponed the work of to-day, 
for a more convenient season. He was gentle, kind, charitable, and studiously 
polite — always performed his duty faithfully, and courteously. In all these re- 
spects he had no superior, and his character and life, therefore, is worthy of em- 
ulation. "Take him all in all, we never shall look upon his like again." 

" While the tree 
Of Freedom's withered trunk puts forth a leaf, 
Even for thy tomb, a garland let it be." 

The friends of this institution are greatly indebted to the Executive of Vir- 
ginia, who has honored this occasion with his presence, for the zeal, promptness, 
and piiblic spirit displayed by him, in securing its re-establishment, and aiding 
by all the means within his power, its reconstruction. We honor him for his 
services in this behalf — for the aid and encouragement he has given — for the im- 
portant and valuable services he has rendered to the great cause of scientific 
and practical education. In the name of the Board of Visitors I return him 
our thanks. 

And in closing this branch of my imperfect address, it is both a duty and a 
pleasure, to thank the General commanding the army of the United States, for 
the interest he has manifested, and the favor he has shown, in furnishing 
the arms necessary for the successful operations of the institution, and in re- 
storing the Cadet battery. 

The war has ended. The bow of peace spans the horizon. "Wo are again a 
united people. Let the passions, the prejudices, and revengeful feelings, which 



12 

have existed between the sections, and which were intensified by the civil war 
through which we have passed, be consigned, in solemn silence, to a common 
grave, there to sleep forever. Let the party who have triumphed in the recent 
struggle bear in mind, "that the hour of victory should be the hour of magna- 
nimity." The past is gone and should be forgotten — the present is upon us, and 
should be wisely improved, with a view to the future and all it has in store 
for us ; if we are true to ourselves, true to patriotism, true to our own interests, 
true to the Constitution, true to State Rights, and true to the principles upon 
which fhe Union was founded. 

There is another who- on an occasion like this, should not be forgotten. He 
had served the country with fidelity and devotion, in the army of the United 
States. He had rendered distinguished service, as Representative and Senator in 
Congress, and had performed honorable duty, as Secretary of War, under Presi- 
dent Pierce. He is a man of talent, education,, accomplishments and most 
polished manners. That man was the President of the Southern Confederacy, 
and represented the feelings, the principles, the interests, and purposes of the 
Southern people. 

" His life was gentle, 
And the elements so mixed in Mm, 
That Kature might stand up and say 
To all the world — Here was a man." 

Mr. Davis now languishes in prison — his constitution shattered — in feeble 
health, and demanding a trial. He occupies the position of the Duke of Milan, 
pleading his cause before the Emperor, Charles V : 

" I come not Emperor to invoke thy mercy, 

By fawning on thy fortune ; nor hring with me 

Excuses or denials. I profess 

(And with a good man's confidence, e'en this instant 

That I am in thy power,) I was thine enemy ; 

Thy deadly and vow'd enemy, one that wish'd 

Confusion to thy person, and estates ; 

And with my utmost pow'rs, and deepest councils, 

Had they been truly foUow'd, further'd it ; 

Nor will I now, although my neck were under 

The hangman's axe, with one poor syllable 

Confess, but that I honored the French king 

More than thyself, and all men. 

****** * 

Nor come I as a slave, 
Pinion'd and fetter'd, in a squalid weed, 
Falling before thy feet, kneeling and howling, 
For a forestalled remission ; that were poor. 
And would but shame thy victory ; for conquest 
Over foes is a captivity, 
And not a triumph. I ne'er feai-ed to die, 
More than I wished to live. When I had reach'd 
My ends in being a duke, I wore these robes, 
This crown upon my head, and to my side 
This sword was girt ; and, witness truth, that, now 
'Tis in another's power, when I shall part 
With these and life together, I'm the same : 
My views then did not swell with pride ; nor now 
They shrink for fear— Know, Sir, that Sforza stands 
For either fortune. 
******* 

I've said, 
And now expect my sentence." 



13 

To this plea Charles replied, and the reply was such as became a ruler, eleva- 
ted in soul and in sentiment. "There is an indissoluble union, between a mag- 
nanimous policy, and the solid rewards of ])ublic prosperity and felicity," saith 
the great, the glorious, the magnanimous Washington. Charles rtplies : 

" Thou hast so far 
Outgone my expectations noble Sforza, 
(For such I hold thee,) and true constancy, 
Kais'd on a hrave foundation, bears such palm 
And privilege with It, that, where wo bt'hold it, 
Though in an enemy, it does command us 
To love and honor it. — By my future hopes, 
I'm glad, for thy sake, in seeking favor, 
Thou did'st not borrow of vice her indirect, 
Crooked, and abject means ; and for mine own 
That (since my purposes must now be chang'd 
Touching thy life and fortunes) the world cannot 
Tax me of levity in my settled councils ; 
I being neither wrought by tempting bribes, 
Nor servile flatteiy ; but forc'd unto it 
By a fair war of virtue. 
All former passages of hate be buried ; 
For thus with open arms I meet thy love, 
And as a friend embrace it ;" 

This plea of Sforza, Duke of Milan, frank, manly and independent, and the 
answer of Charles, magnanimous, tolerant, and forgiving, points a moral. 

And now, my friends and countrymen, I desire to give a practical turn to 
the ceremonies of this day, in the hope that I may contribute somewhat to the 
great interests of the country, in which we live, and with whose dSstiny our 
futaire is indissolubly connected, for weal or woe. 

We have passed through a terrible strife, which has brought sorrow and dis- 
tress upon many a happy household, which has prostrated the business of the 
countrj', checked the development of its resources, paralyzed its energies, and 
visited upon countless thousands,- poverty and ruin. I would be false to all my 
convictions, false to the honored mother who gave me birth, false to every obli- 
gation of duty and patriotism, if I could on an occasion like this, fail to raise 
my voice in her defence, again.st the imputation, that she and the South were 
chargeable with originating this war. It is not so my countrymen. No honest 
man can, in my opinion, lay his hand upon his heart, appeal to God for the truth 
of his convictions, and conscientiously declare that this war is justly chargeable 
to us. It was forced upon us, and mainly by the political parsons, and the poli- 
ticians of New England. But for their unceasing assaults upon the institutions 
of the South, continued j^car after year, we should have never had a war between 
the sections composing the Union. 

For years past, it has been apparent to the most casual observer, that the con- 
troversy thus provoked and carried on would end in bloodshed, sooner or later. 
No appeal, no warning, from patriotic men in either section, could control or 
influence this spirit. It was persistent, uncompromising, vindictive, malignant? 
and apparently indifferent to consequences. It pursued its object steadily, and 
with a devotion that neither flagged nor faltered. Its purpose was the extermi- 
nation of slavery, peaceably if possible, but if not, then through blood and car- 
nage. It sought power, and demanded the control of the government, and it 
selected the means best calculated to secure the end, and upon the principle 
that the end justifies the means. It was insolent, overbearing, exacting in its 



14 

demands, and would be satisfied with nothing less than abject submission to its 
behests. 

No appeals or remonstrances of Southern men were heeded. The dangers 
which were threatening the peace of the country excited neither alarm nor appre- 
hension in the North, and things continued to grow worse, until war, with all its 
horrors, came upon the land and deluged it in blood. 

But to go still further back in the history of the nation. The Convention 
which formed "the Constitution left some important questions unsettled, which 
continued to be subjects of discussion from that day until the war was declared. 
As a general thing, the people of the South, and a large and influential party in 
the North, maintained the doctrine of States Rights, as taught in the celebrated 
Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, and the Virginia report of '99. 
These masterly documents, the work of the greatest minds of their day in Vir- 
ginia, inculcated the doctrine that the States were sovereign, and that the 
allegiance of the citizen therefore was due to his State ; upon the principle that 
sovereign power and allegiance went together. The Federal Government being 
the result of the action of sovereign States, the citizen of the State occupied the 
relation of fidelity towards it, so long as his State remained one of the States of 
the Union. But when the State withdrew from the Union, then, according to the 
doctrines of the school of statesmen in which I was educated, I owed not only 
allegiance, but fidelity, to the State in which I was born and raised, and with 
which my interests and destiny were indissolubly united. If I had refused to 
go with her, and share her trials, I would have been guilty of treason in the eye 
of her law, which I had solemnly sworn to abide by and execute, as the Chief 
Magistrate of the Commonwealth. The language of the law is : " Treason shall 
consist only in levying war against the State, or adhering to its enemies, giving them 
aid and comfort," &c. ; and the penalty annexed is " death." "War had been levied 
by the United States against this State and the other States composing the late 
Confederacy. The meaning of the expression "levying war," consists in collec- 
ting men for military purposes, as by enlistment, enrolment, or other means. 
I will illustrate it by quoting the 13th verse 5th chapter of 1st Kings : " And 
King Solomon raised a levy out of all Israel, and the levy was thirty thousand 
men." Before the State of Virginia passed her ordinance of Secession, Mr. 
Lincoln made a levy for 75,000 men, to prosecute war against the State of Vir- 
ginia and the South ; and I, as Governor of the Commonwealth, solemnly pledged 
to maiijtain and execute her laws, performed my duty faithfully and fully, in 
letter and in spirit. I did what my conscience approved, and I have no apology 
to make, no excuse to offer, for any of my official acts. Under the same cir- 
cumstances, and with my views of duty sincerely and honestly entertained, I 
would again act precisely as I have done. 

Then again the statute prohibited the citizen from "adhering" to the enemies 
of the State, and giving them "aid and comfort." Could an officer of the Com- 
monwealth, who had taken an oath to execute the laws of the Commonwealth, 
act otherwise than I did, during my official term ? 

The statute of Virginia prescribes the oaths to be taken by all persons elected 
to office, and they are : First, the oath of fidelity to the Commonwealth, and 
to support the Constitution of the State. Second, the anti-duelling oath ; and 
TJiird, the oath to perform faithfully the duties of his office. He does not take 
an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, or to execute the laws 
of the United States. This then was the position occupied by the civil and 
other oflicers of the State at the time the war broke out, and I apprehend it will 



15 

be readily conceded that those officers fulfilled their obligations in adhering to 
the Commonwealth and her fortunes, and could not, under any circumstances, 
have acted otherwise, without dishonor and eternal disgrace. 

The various party conventions, held for the noniinatiou of candidates for the 
Presidency and vice-Presidency, for the past twenty years or more, have at 
some time or other, recognized the doctrine of State Rights, as inculcated in 
these resolutions and report. All parties, for years, concurred in the declara- 
tion that the only way in which the Union could be preserved was to uphold the 
rights of the States — that the advocacy and maintenance of State Rights, was 
the surest mode of preserving the Union of the States. 

The Northern men who proclaimed these opinions, and who endorsed them, 
compose, in a great degree, the party now called Radical. Many of the most 
distinguished of their leaders have advocated, on the floors of Congress, and 
before their constituents, the doctrines so ably maintained in these celebrated 
State papers. Shortly after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, that measure 
was generally denounced, thronghout the then free States, as a palpable viola- 
tion of the Constitution of the United States. In several of those States they 
refused to execute it, or even to allow it to be executed by the oflScers of the 
Government — and at that time it was a very common thing to eulogize these 
resolutions and report, and to insist that the States had the right " to judge of 
the mode and measure of redre'as,^' for so plain and palpable an infrijigment of 
their rights. 

The people of Virginia believed that by their act of ratification of the Consti- 
tution of the United States, they had a right to repeal that act, (not for light or 
trivial causes,) but for good and substantial reasons, moving them thereto. And 
to show that they had some justification for that opinion, I present so much of 
the Act in question as bears upon this point : 

"We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, duly elected in pursuance of a recommendation 
from the General Assembly, and now met in Convention, having fully and freely investigated and 
discussed the proceedings of the Federal Convention, and being prepared as well as the most ma- 
ture deliberation hath enabled us to decide thereon ; DO, in the name and in behalf of the people 
of Virginia, declare and make linown, that the powers granted under the Constitution, being de- 
rived from the. people of the United States, may he resumed hy them, whensoever the same shall be 
perverted to their ivjury or ojiirression ; and that every power not granted thereby, remains with 
them, and at their will. 

Here it is expressly declared, by the Convention, that they "DO, in the name 
and in behalf of the people of Virginia, declare and make known, that the 
powers granted under the Constitution being derived from the people of the 
United States, may be resumed by them, lohensoever the same shall be perverted to 
their injury or oppression, and that every power not granted thereby, remains- 
with them, and at their will." These are the terms in which Virginia ratified 
the Constitution, and those terms were accepted, recognized, acted upon, and 
Virginia was thus received into the Union. Virginia declared that the powers 
might be resumed, when, in the jvidgmcnt of her constituted authorities, those 
powers might be perverted or used to her injury or oppression. "When, there- 
fore, she undertook to repeal this act, and withdraw from the Union, she be- 
lieved she was only exercising a right she had never surrendered or parted witii. 
She did not consider that she was doing more than she had an undoubted right 
to do. She exercised a power which she believed unquestionable, and fully 
justified by the terms on which she had consented to form one of the States of 
the Union. She never expected the right to be questioned or controverted. 



16 

She believed that, "among parties having no common judge, each party has an 
equal right to judge for itself as well of infractions, as of the mode and measure 
of redress." Had slie reason to apprehend that the powers thus granted, would 
be perverted to her injury or oppression wlien her Convention acted in April, 
1861? Mr. Lincoln had been elected President of the United States-^had en- 
tered upon the discharge of his public duties on the 4th of March, preceding 
the action of Virginia, through her Convention ; and his opinions were well 
known, and universally understood tliroughout the land. He had publicly pro- 
claimed, years before, in his canvass for the Senate with Judge Doxiglas; and 
after due consideration the sentiment had been repeatedly reiterated and most 
strenuously defended, that "a house divided against itself cannot stand." "I 
believe this Government cannot e7idure permanently, half slave and half free. I do 
not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — hut I do 
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. 
Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and place it 
where the public mind shall rest in the belief tliat it is in the course of ultimate 
extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful 
in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." 

The speech from which this quotation is made, was delivered at Springfield, 
Hlinois, June 17th, 1<858; and this sentiment was reiterated and defended 
throughout the canvass ; which continued for more than four months. Mr. Lin- 
coln was a gentleman of more than ordinary ability — a lawyer of distinction and 
experience, who had been long engaged in the active practice of his profession — a 
statesman who had filled various positions — State and Federal. He fully under- 
stood the force and meaning of the language he employed to convey his ideas. 
His speeches show great conciseness, clearness and point. His mind was prac- 
tical — his language apposite — his mode of argumentation forcible and direct. 
Such a man, in enunciating the proposition I have quoted, had a meaning and a 
purpose, which was clearly understood by himself and which he designed should 
be as well understood by his hearers and readers. This paragraph indicates, in 
the-clearest and most positive manner, Mr. Lincoln's hostility to slavery, and 
his desire for its extinction, 

Tlie house had been "divided" from 1789 to the day this sentiment was ut- 
tered, into slave States and free States. With this division, the Government 
had endured throughout that long period. The nation had increased in power 
and influence — its wealth had been greatly augmented — the Government was 
honored at home and respected abroad — the people were prosperous and happy 
— our territory had been greatly extended — our canvass whitened every ocean, 
and our flag commanded the respect of all the nations of the earth. Our popu- 
lation had increased to thirty millions — our commerce, coastwise and foreign, 
had increased in a much greater ratio — our country had made unexampled ad- 
vances under the inspiriting influence of that banner, which is borne upward 
and pressed onward, by the unseen, yet steady hand of PROGRESS. 

It was under these circumstances, that Mr. Lincoln declared he expected the 
time to come, when "the house would cease to be divided" — when all would 
become free, or all would become slave States. Is not the inference irresistible, 
that with his opinions, thus expressed, in regard tothe institution of slavery, he 
desired to see it removed — and if so, that he was prepared to use the means to 
accomplish an end, so much desired by himself and his party friends? Can it 
be doubted that he intended to impress upon them his views and wishes, in this 



17 

'particular; and thns induce them to act in concert, and by united action, 
secure the desired result ? 

It was after tliis declaration of his views on this great question, that he was 
nominated for, and elected to the Presidency of the United States. Could there 
be a doubt as to the policy of his administration, so far as the institution of 
slavery was concerned ? To doubt it, we sliould be compelled to discredit the 
sincerity of his declarations, the honesty of his purposes, and his convictions of 
moral and political duty. If, as a statesman, ardently attached to the Union 
and anxious to maintain it inviolate, believing that it could only be maintained 
by the spread of slavery over all the States, or by its removal from all, was it 
not his imperative duty to spare no efforts for its removal, and at the earliest 
practical moment ? He was the President of the United States — duly inaugu- 
rated, and invested with all the power appertaining to this exalted position, and 
entertaining these views, had not the time arrived, when the people of Virginia 
might infer, nay, were not bound to believe, that " the powers granted under the 
Constitution, would b^ perverted to their ^injury or oppression.''^ Had they 
not the right, therefore, to insist upon the terms of their bond, when they rati- 
fied the Federal Constitution ? Had they not the right to resume those powers, 
and withdraw from the Union ? Wliether right or wrong, such was their opin- 
ion ; and apprehending danger to the institution of slavery, an institution inti- 
mately interwoven with the frame-work ol Virginia society, they acted upon it, 
and in the full conviction, that their own soil would furnish the chief battle 
ground in the war which was certain to follow. 

Virginia has always been true to herself, and to honor. She has never been 
false to others. Her principles have always been frankly and candidly pro- 
claimed — her action has been characterized by boldness, prudence and decision. 
Principle with her, has never been made subservient to policy. She has ever 
travelled the path blazed by duty and honor. She has, in her own judgment, 
been faithful to all the obligations she has assumed ; and in all her action, con- 
nected with the recent troubles, she has pursued that course which was best 
calculated to do justice to all with whom she was united, and to uphold her 
reputation as "the honored mother of States and Statesmen." 

She cherished and honored the names of Jefferson and Madison — two of her 
most gifted and distinguished sons. She supposed the Virginia theory of States 
Rights was the accepted theory on this subject throughout the land. She had 
no right to doubt, but every reason to believe, that the i)rofessing Democrats of 
America, North and South, recognized the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions 
of '98 and the Virginia Report of '99, as embodying the true views on this ques- 
tion ; and under this belief she took her position. How sadly _was she disap- 
pointed. Northern men who had sworn by these Resolutions and Report for 
years, suddenly turned their backs upon them and openly repudiated the doc- 
trines they had professed to believe. Numbers of them, who visited Virginia 
before the State . seceded, rebuked her for her tardiness and urged that she 
should act at once — that her delay was producing mischievous results, and com- 
plicating matters to the prejudice of the South and to the hazard of the Union. 
Some of these men are now the most vindictive and relentless — the most un- 
compromising against the restoration of the Southern States to their rights in 
the Union. Tliey seek to have us degraded and debased. They do not wish 
(in the language of President Johnson,) to see us return " jdth all our manhood." 

And here allow me to occupy a moment of vour time in doing justice to that 

S 



18 

gi'oat man, who, under the most trying circumstancos, has exhibited an ability, 
a courage, a patriotism, and a devotion to ^principles, never surpassed in the 
history of a ruler, in ancient or modern times. He succeeded to the Presidency 
under the most embarrassing circumstances. He found a policy in existence 
that he had no hand in inaugurating. He stood before the world without a party 
organization to sustain him. He was residuary legatee to a cabinet that he had. 
no voice in selecting. He found a congress hostile to liim personally and politi- 
cally. He stood alone, therefore, firm, decided, self-reliant, with entire confi- 
dence in the people, bearing aloft the banner of the Canstitu ion and appealing 
to them to rally around him and aid him in restoring the Union. His confidence 
has not been misplaced. The people arc rallying around him, and ere long we 
may hail the restoration of the Union as a " magic circle that will forever re- 
main unbrolvcn." 

" May he live 
Longer than I have time to tell his years ! 
Ever beloved, and loving may his rule be I 
And when old Time shall lead him to his end. 
Goodness and he fill up one monument." 

Thus much I have deemed it my duty to say in defence of the action of Vir- 
ginia. I might have have referred to the views of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet officers 
on the question of slavery and its abolition, with point and effect. But I forbear. 

The South, having submitted the questions in controversy to the arbitrament 
of the sword, has been defeated. Her leaders and her armies have been com- 
pelled to succumb to superior numbers. Never in the history of the world, 
have leaders and men shown more heroism, more devotion, more courage, or 
endured greater privations and sacrifices in behalf of a cause, than the leaders 
and men constituting the late Confederate Army, And I will venture to add,' 
that the struggle inspired respect and confidence between the officers and 
soldiers of both armies. Thus defeated — thus overcome — the Southern people 
regard the questions at issue as settled ; and forever settled. They accept the 
result, and are prepared to abide by it in good faith. They pledge an honor 
that is untarnished ; and when brave men and honest men give such a pledge, 
who can doubt their sincerity, and who can hesitate to believe that their pledge 
will be redeemed to the letter ? 

The civil strife of the last four years is ended. The din of arms has ceased. 
The character of the soldier is laid aside. The measured tread of the sentinel 
is no longer heard. The armies have been disbanded, and the soldiers have re- 
sumed the duties of citizens, devoting themselves to peaceful pursuits. 

" No more the thirsty entrance of this soil 

Shall daub her lips with her own children's blood ; 

No more shall trenching war channel her fields, 

Nor bru'se her tiow'rets with the armed hoofs 

Of hostile paces. Those opposed eyes, 

Which — like the meteors of a troubled Heaven, 

All of one nature, of one substance bred — 

Did lately meet in the intestine shock 

And furious close of civil butchery, 

Shall now, in mutual, well beseeming ranks, 

March all one way ; and bo no more oppos'd 

Against acquaintance, kindred, and allies." 



19 

I must bring these remarks to a close. The war has terminated in bringing us 
all together and re-establishing the Union. In tlic present condition of aliairs, 
high and holy duties devolve upon the people of all the States. If those duties 
are discharged with prudence and wisdom, and faithfully and honestly — if a 
spirit of kindness and conciliation shall be encouraged — if the past shall be for- 
gotten, as it ought to be, under existing circumstances, then may we hope for 
union and harmony, and the revival of fraternal affection. No government can 
endure, which does not rest upon the affections of its people, A wise, just, 
tolerant, upright administration of public affairs, will win bacic the affections of 
the South and entwine them around tlie j)illars that uphold the Union, as flie 
" clasping ivy " encircles the majestic oak. Kindness begets kindness — confi- 
dence inspires confidence — charity and tolerance generate love and affection. Let 
all these ennobling virtues be cultivated and encouraged. If the scenes of the 
last four years cannot be forgotten by either side, let them at least be forgiven and 
passed by in solemn, dignified silence. Let each side cease to remind the other of 
the disagreeable incidents that occurred during that sad, but eventful period. Let 
us all turn our attention to the re-cstablishment of law and order throughout the 
land — to the revival of trade and business, foreign and domestic— let us all unite 
in a common effort, to secure a return of that prosperity, which characterized 
the nati(m in other and better days — and above all, let us by precept and ex- 
ample, inculcate a spirit of harmony between the States and the different sec- 
tions of the country. As a Virginian, devotedly attached to the land in which 
I was born, and to the people who have honored me with their confidence, I 
say for myself and for them also, that we wish to see that line of policy adopted, 
Avhich will bring peace, restore confidence, rouse up the energies of tlie people, 
stimulate production, develope the material resources of the whole country, 
extend commerce, and make the Government universally loved, honored and 
respected. It is our government, and duty demands this of us. 

The chief cause of contention between the North and South has now been 
removed. How it was done, is a matter of no moment — it is sufficient for us to 
know, that it is an accomplished fact. The institution of slavery has been 
abolished. It no longer exists amongst us. Its abolition is fully recognized, 
understood and accepted. No one desires its re-establishinent, or seeks to re- 
establish it. In the language of President Johnson, " the Southern States have 
come up magnanimously, and acknowledged the fact, and have gone into their 
State Conventions, and ratified its abolition." We liave therefore done every, 
thing to prove the sincerity of our professions, that can be reasonably demanded 
of us. We are all disposed to deal with things as we now find them, and so to 
deal with them, as to realize the largest amount of available good for ourselves 
and our posterity. 

A majority in the two houses of Congress has denied representation to tlie 
people of the South. Let us not, however, despair on this account. An act so 
wrong in itself — so utterly indefensible, cannot be justified or excused, either 
on the score of principle or policy. This will correct itself, and ere long the 
people of the South will have their rights fully recognized. Let us be patient, 
and all will yet come right. 

" When pressed by dangers and beset by foes, 
The gods their timely succor interpose ; 
And wlien our virtue sinlvs, o'ervvhelm'd with grief, 
By unforeseen expedients bring relief." 



20 

Let lis then be of good cheer. Let no one be disheartened or discouraged. 
We must all do our duty, in a faithful, independent and manly way, and then 
we may reasonably anticipate a bright and happy future for ourselves, our 
posterity and our country. 

It should be the policy of all to inculcate a spirit of concord, and so act, each 
to the other, as to advance the common interests of all. We should do evei-y- 
thing in our power to secure the prosperity of the nation, augment its wealth, 
develope its boundless mineral and other resources, rouse up its dormant ener- 
gies, multiply its channels of intercommunication, encourage agricultural, 
mechanical and manufacturing industry. This is due to ourselves, as well as 
those who are to come after us, and who look to us for the adoption of a 
policy that will place them before the world in the most advantageous position. 
Let us deal candidly, tairly, honestly, justly and charitably, one with another, 
and then kneeling around the altar of a common, country, let a united prayer 
ascend to Heaven — " God Bless America." 

[Here the Statue was unveiled, amidst great cheering.] 

Our work is accomplished. The Statue is re-established, and again occupies 
the position to which it was assigned by the General Assembly of Virginia in 
its Joint Resolution of 1856. There letiti'emain as long as the Virginia Military 
Institute shall endure — admonishing us in the first place, that we are mortal, 
and assuring us in the next place, that a virtuous life, a faithful discharge of 
public and private duty, a strict adherence to principle, a practical observance 
of liberality, generosity, kindness and magnanimity — all of which characterized 
Washington in a most eminent degree, will win for those who take him as their 
model, the love and aflection, the respect and confidence of their countrymen. 

And now it only remains for me to commit this noble work to the protection, 
care and guardianship of the Superintendent, Professors and Cadets of the Vir- 
ginia Military Institute. The State commits this sacred trust to your keeping, 
in the full conviction that it will be guarded with the most scrupulous fidelity. 



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